By Ameer Babiker Abdalla Saad
The emergence of the Sudanese "state" into the
stage of independence as an inevitable reality, without a comprehensive
doctrine, led to consequences, the most striking of which was the first
rebellion in 1955, on the eve of the declaration of independence. It concluded
with the secession of the South and the establishment of an independent State.
When using the term "doctrine," the mind
immediately jumps to something sacred, religious, or ideological, which often
causes confusion and muddles the Sudanese scene at all levels—political,
social, military, economic, and intellectual—essentially encompassing what
constitutes the comprehensive doctrine of the state.

The states entry into independence, without a guiding
comprehensive doctrine, coincided with a significant transformation in military
power, shifting from the Sudan Defense Force to the Sudanese Armed Forces.
There is no doubt that the military doctrine of any nations armed forces
derives its principles and values from the states doctrine. Here, doctrine is
not religious or ideological, as it may seem at first, but rather the social
contract mutually agreed upon by all citizens—people who were either forced or
voluntarily chose to live under one state. At the top of this contract is the
recognition of full citizenship for all, with rights and duties, and the
resulting mutual responsibilities between the state and its institutions,
between the state and the citizen, and between the states institutions and the
citizen.
The states comprehensive doctrine is represented in the
constitutional principles agreed upon by all, principles that take into account
the representation of all segments of society and their interests without
exception or special immunity. These principles are upheld by constitutional law,
which interprets them and works to apply and implement their provisions. Since
the constitution is the highest authority in the state, inspired by the spirit
and texts of these principles, its absence signifies the absence of the state
and, thus, the absence of its doctrine and the foundation for regulating and
expressing its citizens.
As long as this article is based on the idea that Sudanese
people in "this piece of land" did not have the choice to remain
united, they must explore the common factors that brought them together within
the state and how to coexist peacefully within its borders, as long as this
serves their collective interests. The first step toward achieving this is to
agree on constitutional principles and constitutional law, which, clearly, has
been absent since independence. This absence has led to repercussions that
continue to cast a shadow over the path of peace and unity. One sign of this
absence is the continuous talk about the importance of holding a constitutional
conference, which emphasizes this critical absence. After that, there must be
agreement on and consent to the governing constitutional principles and law,
followed by presenting them in a general referendum. It is not forgotten that
the Sudanese national state has been governed by temporary constitutions to
guide governance and provide it with necessary legitimacy, rather than to build
and regulate the state and its institutions permanently. Since this situation
serves the interests of some factions—whether many or few—the path to
establishing permanent constitutional principles has remained difficult and
always faces opposition.
In such a "temporary" situation for the state,
discussions about military doctrine without a comprehensive understanding of
the overall picture are incomplete. This raises the same question: Is the
military doctrine of the Sudanese Armed Forces agreed upon and derived from the
states comprehensive doctrine? A subsidiary question follows: Is the military
responsible for formulating the states comprehensive doctrine in its absence?
Neither this question nor its subsidiary counterpart will be
answered by over sixty years of post-independence rule in the name of the
military institution or the first statement made in the name of the armed
forces. However, it will place us face-to-face with the truth that we are still
following the path of a state that forces its people to coexist through
coercion, not mutual agreement. This is not because the military and its
institution have the responsibility or duty to formulate the states
comprehensive doctrine "alone," but because they have been used to
obstruct the building of a state governed by law and constitution. The military
has been used, each time the first statement is made in its name, to rewrite
the "temporary" constitution in a way that aligns with the interests
of those in power.
If it is widely accepted and natural for the militarys
doctrine to derive from the states comprehensive doctrine, two main factors
have played a crucial role in shaping and fluctuating this doctrine. The first,
as I mentioned, is the absence of the states comprehensive doctrine itself, and
the second is the states adoption of a temporary doctrine governed by the
visions of the ruler who comes to power, often blurring or deliberately erasing
the boundaries between the state and power, serving partial interests rather
than the whole.
Here, it is essential to distinguish between two things:
military doctrine and the professional duty of the armed forces. Military
doctrine is the military ideology adopted by the state to build and establish
its army and set its general strategy. Experts define military doctrine as
"a set of values and intellectual principles aimed at establishing the
theories of military science and the art of war, to determine the structure and
uses of the armed forces in times of peace and war in a way that achieves
national goals and interests." It is a comprehensive project that involves
the highest levels of the state down to the smallest soldier, aimed at ensuring
security and protecting national interests. Meanwhile, the militarys
professional duty is governed by the states military doctrine and is based on
the pillars of combat doctrine, which involves planning, training, armament,
military tactics, and moral mobilization during military tasks. As the weapons
used by the armed forces vary, the levels of professional duty differ depending
on the type of weapon, ultimately serving the overall goal of military
doctrine.
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